Shayari

• Chala jata hun hasta khelta mauj e hawadis se
  Agar asaniyan hon to zindagi dushwar ho jaye
  I frolick through breezes of tragedies
  Life would be troublesome if it was easy

Tackling insurgency in North-East

The insurgeny in North-east India has stymied the growth of the region for decades. Just after India gained independence, insurgency in the region took birth in the form of a group in Nagaland( popularly known as Naga National Council) demanding secession from Indian union. The government launched counter-offensive strategy by promulgating AFSPA in the region. The militaristic strategy failed to contain insurgency effectively as several such insurgent groups emerged later. The government then embarked on diplomatic means such as holding talks with the groups to contain armed rebellion. Though the cease-fire agreements resulted in bringing about a modicum of peace in the region, instances of violence periodically takes place as was seen in the recent killing of Indian soldiers in an ambush in Manipur.

The occurrence of such incidents drive home the fact that there are loopholes in the counter-insurgent strategy adopted by the government. Until now, the government relied on the armed forces and paramilitary forces to take on the insurgent groups. The limitation of such an approach was that the forces faced greater vulnerabilities as they had little know-how about the local terrain. Therefore, the better way was to strengthen the state police and modernize them adequately. Mizoram tackled insurgency effectively as it had a strong state police force equipped with modern technology and adequate know-how about the local conditions.

It is important to note that insurgent groups could mobilise groups and procure arms as long as they have access to financial resources. Therefore, it is imperative to cut off their access to the source of funding. Drug trafficking, illegal trade, kidnapping and extortion are the primary sources of funds for such groups, at times, in connivance with the local political leaders. Therefore, the government should show adequate political will in cracking down on such political-criminal nexus.

One of the major reasons as to why such groups operate with impunity is that they have their base camps not only within the difficult terrain and forested areas of domestic frontiers but also in neighbouring countries like Myanmar. For instance, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland led by S.Khaplang (NSCN-K) has its roots in Myanmar and operate from their bases along the Indo-Myanmar border. Unless the Myanmar government pro-actively crack down on such camps, incidents of terror would not stop in the region. The Indian government would do well to engage her neighbours in flushing these groups operating from their territories. India managed to persuade Bangladesh in flushing out ULFA base-camps from Bangladeshi territory which resulted in weakening of their influence in Assam.

In the long run, it is necessary to bridge the socio-economic disparity in the region. The North-eastern region is tremendously backward economically and unemployment looms large in the region. Consequently, the youth is attracted to such anti-national activities and do not shy in taking up arms against the state. An economically prosperous North-east is in the better interests of the nation because the marginal groups would then be dissuaded from engaging with insurgent groups in the region.

The viability of PPP model

Starting from the tenth five-year plan, the government tried to rope in the private sector for major investments. The public-private partnership (PPP) model was one of the alternatives facilitated by the government. While, PPP model was a success in certain sectors like airport infrastructure, other areas like roadways and power faced numerous difficulties in the execution of projects.

What were the reasons behind the failure of PPP projects? First, PPP projects in infrastructure sector have long gestation periods. Further, the procedural delays in land-acquisition and environmental clearances lead to time and cost-overrun resulting in exponential rise in the time period for project completion. India already ranks low in the index of doing business due to the inability to obtain requisite clearances in a hassle-free manner.

Second, there is no transparency and accountability in risk allocation between the public and private sector. That said, the government instead of being an equal partner with the private party in the execution of project, allocates the risks disproportionately to the private sector. Further, the revenue-earning initiatives for the private party run into rough weather once the project is completed. For instance, the toll booths for the collection of toll tax in the road sector face numerous hurdles in tax collection and it also leads to traffic congestion in peak hours.

The government is therefore prepared to fund major infrastructural projects through Engineering, Procurement and Construction (EPC) model. In this model, a private contractor would be provided with funds and resources to complete the projects in due time. Moreover, it has been realized that it is the public sector that can initially provide a platform for the private sector to invest in. That said, the private sector would be incentivized to invest only when there is an already-built up basic infrastructure in place, which the government has to facilitate.

The emerging foreign policy of India

Foreign policy is all about securing the national and security interests of a nation. India’s foreign policy has transitioned from a near-isolationist and near-neutral approach during post-independent years to a more flexible and focused approach especially after the end of cold war era. The impact of globalization, technological changes and global problems like climate change have led to a convergence in thinking that a stable foreign policy is a pre-requisite for peace and prosperity of a nation. The BJP-led government at the centre,in its first year of coming into power has done exceptionally well in managing its foreign relations both at the regional and international level.

The salient features of India’s foreign policy as pursued by the present government at the centre deserves worth-mentioning.The government has accorded primacy to its neighbourhood policy wherein seeking better relations with India’s immediate neighborhood is a growing priority. The PM had chosen Bhutan as its first foreign destination followed by a high-level SAARC summit at Kathmandu later that year. The rescue and relief operation by India during the recent earthquake in Nepal was lauded by countries across the world.  

At the same time, the government is non-compromising on its national interests. Despite being surrounded by difficult neighbors like Pakistan and China, India has done well to engage with them at the highest level. India favors a peaceful and stable Pakistan in her vicinity.Nevertheless, India condemns the religious extremism and cross-border terrorism  emanating from the Pakistani soil.Similarly, incursions by the Chinese forces have dropped to zero after the visit of Chinese premier to India during the last year.

Another aspect of India’s foreign policy is to secure the economic interests of the nation. Against this backdrop, India’s engagement with the developed nations like the USA, France, Canada and Japan is likely to spur trade and investments into the country. Countries like China and Japan have pledged millions of dollars of investments in Indian infrastructural projects. Similarly, India is determined to act decisively on its ‘Look-East’ policy. The recent visits of Prime Minister to China, South-Korea and Mongolia is a part of its so called ‘ Act-East’ approach which is likely to bear fruit in the longer run.

Finally, the Prime Minister deserves credit for mobilizing the diaspora community as an integral part of its engagement with foreign nations. India has an overwhelming diaspora population in nations like the USA, Canada and Australia. Apart from remittances, engagement with the Indian diaspora abroad enhances the international standing of India in the world order of nations. Moreover,the provision of e-visa on arrival facility to various nationals across the world would increase people-to-people contact and boost tourism.

Despite the achievements on foreign policy front in a relatively shorter span of time, India should not repeat its past mistakes. That said, there should be adequate follow-up and better implementation of the policies formulated till date. Therefore, the foremost challenge for India is to take up necessary steps to implement the policies at the bureaucratic level. India cannot afford to become a super-power unless she conducts her foreign policy obligations in a pragmatic manner.

Expediting trial process

The long pending cases of under-trials is a blot on the Indian justice delivery system. According to an estimate, over two-third of the incarcerated people in the country’s jails are under-trials. Part of the reason is due to the fact that the undertrials are extremely poor and are unable to furnish bail-bonds or provide sureties. The article 39A of the Indian constitution is based on the socialistic principle which states that the state is obliged to provide free legal aid to the poor. In this context, institutions like National Legal Service Authority and State Legal Services Authorities have been institutionalized. Yet these institutions have failed to aware the prisoners of their rights, leave alone the provision of free legal aid.

The government needs to strengthen judicial infrastructure by creating more courts at the district and state level. The Alternate Dispute Redressal mechanisms have largely reduced the burden on the higher courts. Therefore, more such institutions need to be encouraged. There should be enhanced appointments of judicial personnel in district courts, high courts and supreme courts. Often, the judicial positions are reported to have lied vacant resulting in acute shortage of judges. Most importantly, it is the political will that matters the most when it comes to judicial appointments and promoting infrastructure requirements. The government needs to provide financial allocations for such initiatives. The legal services authorities should be given greater autonomy and financial assistance to pursue the pending cases to logical ends.

Tackling left-wing extremism

Left-wing extremism is one of the gravest internal security threat in our country. It is predominantly spread across the eastern, central and southern states of India and is popularly known as the ‘Red  Corridor’ states.

The conventional approach to deal with left-wing extremism since the early 1970s was to deploy security forces against the insurgents. But, this harsh measure could hardly tackle the security threat. Instead, the conflict between security agencies and the Maoists continued unabated culminating in greater reinforcement of Maoists’ cadre in 2004 when there was a merger of the former warring groups. The villagers in these Maoist strongholds were the hardest hit against the backdrop of the conflict between the insurgent groups and the state.

One of the critical factors promoting left-wing extremism is the perpetual poverty and unemployment among the masses. The people felt alienated from the State as industrial activities increased on their land without taking the original inhabitants into board. The loss of livelihood and rampant exploitation of these people drove them towards taking up arms against the State. The government has, of late, realized that a ‘development-centric’ model was a better way to tackle left-wing extremism apart from the militaristic approach.

It is a truism that equitable development led by the state is a potent tool to tackle the security threat. Better employment opportunities and addressing livelihood concerns would dis-incentivize the locals to taking up violence against the State. The state should promote skill development so that the youths could get productive employment even in the remote villages.

Moreover, the Centre should formulate a counter-insurgency doctrine encompassing also the development and security-related components. This would provide an unity of approach among the security agencies and the state irrespective of which political party is in power. Out of such a doctrine, area-specific strategies and tactics could be developed and implemented across states.

Granting citizenship to Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh

The BJP government has expressed its willingness to grant citizenship rights to Hindu immigrants from Bangladesh. This has created furore among the regional parties in Assam and civil society. Many have raised concerns about the credibility of India’s foreign policy and the government’s short-sightedness on the issue, probably driven by ideological-political considerations.

The implications of such a retrograde step are manifold. First, illegal immigration is a very complex issue in Assam and adjoining states. The Assam accord and the affidavit filed by the Assam government in Supreme Court mentions 24 March, 1971 as the defining date for determining the citizenship rights. Diluting this provision to accommodate the Hindu immigrants on religious lines is bound to complicate the issue further. Already, modalities are being worked upon to upgrade the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the government seems to be seriously considering efforts to curb illegal migration.

If at all, the government intends to accommodate the Hindu immigrants on the ground of persecution faced by them, it should specify the time-period during which they were unduly harassed. This would tantamount to casting aspersions on the ability of the foreign government(in this case, Bangladesh) to protect its minorities. All the Confidence Building Measures(CBMs) between the two countries achieved till date including the Land Boundary Agreement would come to naught as a result of deep mistrust between them.

It would be infinitely better should the government agree on a national policy for refugees for the betterment of persecuted minorities abroad. Alternatively, India could be a signatory to 1951 refugee convention under which the signatory countries are obliged not to send back the refugees on the ground of persecution and harassment. Such a coherent policy would do away with such ad-hoc decisions based on ideological-political considerations.